DEVELOPING THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES  
ON RACIALISATION AND MIGRATION
Special Issue Editorial • DOI: 10.1515/njmr-2017-0018  NJMR • 7(2) • 2017 • 64-69
1University of Turku, Finland
2Roskilde University, Denmark
Suvi Keskinen1* and Rikke Andreassen2#
* E-mail: suvkes@utu.fi
# E-mail: rikkean@ruc.dk
The number of studies approaching research on migration from 
the perspectives of racialisation and postcolonialism has increased 
considerably in the Nordic countries since the Millennium. These 
studies have produced important empirical knowledge and 
theoretically informed analyses of the histories and current processes 
in the Nordic societies, as well as of different diasporic communities 
living in the region. However, the theoretical approaches have often 
been borrowed from Anglo-American literature, while theoretical 
discussions and elaborations within the Nordic region have been 
scarcer. This Special Issue Developing Theoretical Perspectives on 
Racialisation and Migration engages in and develops theories on 
migration, racialisation and postcolonialism from the Nordic context, 
bearing in mind that ‘Norden’ is not an isolated region but part of 
global processes through multiple transnational connections and 
postcolonial power relations. Moreover, we seek to highlight how 
concepts and theoretical approaches on migration and racialisation 
need to be adjusted to and elaborated in a context characterised 
by welfare state ideologies and institutions, notions of allegedly 
homogeneous nations and claims of exemplary achievements in 
gender and socio-economic equality, as well as neoliberal policies.
This Special Issue provides insights into how existing theories 
on racialisation and migration can be developed, revised and 
revisited – especially in relation to questions on how race and 
ethnicity intersect with the categories of gender, sexuality, class 
and age. The articles examine and discuss how the concepts race, 
racialisation and whiteness can be used for analysing the histories 
and current trends in the Nordic countries and what are the different 
ways of understanding and defining these concepts. Moreover, 
the contributions explore how postcolonial and decolonial theories 
can shed light on a geographical context that is often considered 
to be an outsider to colonial processes, since the countries’ role in 
colonising non-European territories was relatively small – at least 
in comparison to colonial powers like Great-Britain, France and the 
Netherlands. Research has, however, shown the ‘colonial complicity’ 
(Keskinen et al. 2009) of the Nordic countries that has built upon 
participation in colonial economic and cultural endeavours as well 
as the embracement of ideologies that place Europe as the cradle of 
civilisation, thus superior to (what is discussed as) the non-western 
world. The emphasis on the Nordic countries’ outsider position, has 
also meant that colonial histories and structures of racism have 
been, and still are, largely ignored or presented as insignificant 
in the Nordic public discourse. Along the discussions of migration 
and racialisation, the articles explore nation-state formations and 
constructions of national identity in the Nordic region, both as a 
consequence of migration and as a reaction to migration.
The perspectives of racialisation and postcolonialism/
decoloniality are extremely timely today. A number of studies 
have shown how the Nordic countries were a part of the colonial 
world order (e.g., McEachrane & Faye 2001; Keskinen et al. 
2009; Loftsdottir & Jensen 2012; Rud 2016), participating in slave 
trade (Larsen 2008; Weiss 2016), development of racial biology 
(Hübinette & Lundström 2014) and exhibition of the racialised others 
(Andreassen 2015), as well as benefiting from colonial trade relations 
and (re)producing colonial representations (Sawyer & Habel 2014). 
Thus, racialisation and the processes of creating inequalities on 
the basis of racial categorisations are in no way new phenomena 
in the Nordic countries. However, such processes have taken 
new forms and penetrated all arenas of the society following the 
increased migration from non-western countries since the 1960s. 
In recent years, the Nordic societies have witnessed the rise of 
neo-nationalism, right-wing populism and racist movements that 
today bear considerable effect on governmental policies, political 
parties, and mainstream and social media (e.g., Hervik 2011; Horsti 
& Nikunen 2013). Public debates on migration and integration of 
minorities frequently portray Muslims and non-western minorities 
in a manner that reproduces colonialist and Orientalist discourses 
– ranging from the threatening to the exotified (e.g., Bredström 2003; 
Lundström 2007; Nielsen 2014). Simultaneously, the racialised 
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minorities are organising themselves in multifaceted ways, making 
use of social media and elaborating ways to produce ‘safe spaces’ 
to discuss matters that centre non-white perspectives. The critical 
voices of racialised minorities are also increasingly gaining foothold 
in the wider public sphere, a tendency most visible in Sweden, but 
also visible to an extent in the other Nordic countries. In order to 
understand and examine these recent changes, as well as to combat 
and erode power relations based on hegemonic understandings of 
race and whiteness, theorisation of racialisation and postcolonialism/
decoloniality is a necessity.
The research field of critical studies on racialisation, 
postcolonialism and migration was first developed in Sweden, 
where studies were already published in the 1990s (e.g., Molina 
1997; Tesfahuney 1998) and the research field has expanded in the 
21st century (e.g., de los Reyes, Molina & Mulinari 2002; Mulinari 
& Neergaard 2005; de los Reyes & Kamali 2005; de los Reyes 
2006; Sawyer 2008; Hûbinette & Lundström 2011; Hübinette et 
al. 2012; Lundström 2014). In the other Nordic countries, certain 
researchers have engaged with similar themes and perspectives 
(e.g., Andreassen 2005, 2007; Myong 2009; Rastas 2005; Tuori 
2007; Keskinen 2012, 2013; Loftsdottír 2011; Svendsen 2014), yet 
the establishment of a specific research field is still in process. In 
addition to this, several initiatives have developed the analysis of 
racialisation and postcolonialism on the Nordic level, examining both 
the racial and colonial histories of the Nordic region, as well as their 
continued presence and effects on cultural, structural, political and 
embodied processes (Keskinen et al. 2009; Loftsdottir & Jensen 
2012; McEachrane 2014; Garner 2014; Leinonen & Toivanen 2014; 
Andreassen & Vitus 2015).
Race, racialisation and whiteness
Three central concepts are discussed in this Special Issue: race, 
racialisation and whiteness, but the contributors have made different 
choices on which concepts to use and what implications follow from 
this. In our view, all three concepts are needed and point to somewhat 
distinct, yet interwoven meanings. We understand ‘race’ to be a 
socially and culturally constructed category that nonetheless has 
real effects on people’s lives and societal processes. The concept 
‘racialisation’ was introduced by Frantz Fanon (1963) but gained 
wider influence following the theoretical elaboration of Robert Miles 
(1989, 1993). The main benefit from using the concept racialisation 
comes from its emphasis on processes and the varied ways ideas of 
race are turned into practices on different levels of the society. While 
some scholars, such as Miles (1993) have argued for a substitution 
of the concept race with that of racialisation, we believe that both are 
needed to effectively analyse both the histories of and the current 
social processes in the Nordic societies. Irene Molina (2005) defines 
racialisation as processes that differentiate people, stabilise these 
differences and legitimate power differences based on them. This 
definition makes it clear that racialisation is not only about ideas, 
representations and discourses, but involves material processes 
and their likewise material effects. Similarly, Ylva Habel (2012) 
points to how the term racialisation emphasises racial and/or ethnic 
subordination caused by societal, political and historical processes, 
which has constituted racial identities, privileges, and discriminations. 
Racialisation can occur based on alleged biological differences, skin 
colour or cultural differences, often combining elements of these. 
Racialisation has become a popular concept, especially in different 
kinds of Marxist inspired research, feminist studies and cultural 
studies – even to the extent that it has been criticised of having lost 
its analytical value (Murji & Solomos 2005, 2-3).
In order to clarify the meanings and different ways of using the 
concept ‘racialisation’, we suggest that three approaches can be 
identified based on where the analytical focus is placed: on the 1) 
racialisation of bodies and subjectivities, 2) cultural and discursive 
construction, or 3) intertwining of cultural signification and social 
structures. While all three approaches understand racialisation 
to be connected to historical and societal processes, the focus 
of each is distinct. For example, Andreassen & Ahmed (2014) 
analyse encounters in schools, neighbourhoods and other everyday 
environments to identify how bodies and subjectivities are racialised. 
They argue for the use of the concept racialisation, as that allows 
for creating connections between historical processes of racism 
and colonialism and contemporary experiences. As an example of 
the second approach, Keskinen (2014) examines the racialisation 
processes in media and political debates following a shopping mall 
shooting, in order to point out the shifting and fixing of categorisations, 
as well as the implications of postcolonial histories and border zone 
positions. The third approach can be viewed in Irene Molina’s (1997) 
analysis of the racialisation of the Million-programme residential 
areas in Sweden, involving processes of stigmatisation and structural 
inequalities.
Many researchers, including the editors and contributors of this 
Special Issue, have used racialisation as a concept that covers both 
the discursive/representational and material processes. This kind of 
broad understanding has been criticised by some scholars for being 
too ambiguous and leading to ‘conceptual inflation’ (Murji & Solomos 
2005, 11-12). Other researchers have opted to use racialisation 
to refer solely to signifying processes. Among those are Omi and 
Winant (2015, 111) who define racialisation as ‘the extension of 
racial meaning to a previously racially unclassified relationship, social 
practice or group’. They conceptualise the broader process of ‘race-
making’ as racial formation, which for them means ‘the sociohistorical 
process by which racial identities are created, lived out, transformed 
and destroyed’ (ibid., 109). Their theorisation thus seeks to catch the 
dynamics of the social, political, and institutional aspects of creating 
racial identities and structural (in)equalities. Recently, the concept 
of racial formation has raised interest among Nordic scholars, 
visible also in this Special Issue, where Diana Mulinari and Anders 
Neergaard refer to it when engaging in discussion with Marxist, 
critical race and black feminist studies. Furthermore, Mulinari and 
Neergaard prefer to use the concept ‘racial regime’ to capture the 
specific forms of racism in the Swedish context. In our view, racial 
regime may well be a fruitful concept for analysing racism, but it does 
not capture the agency of the racialised others and groups that seek 
to disrupt/dismantle racist ideologies and structures so well. We 
argue that such starting points are more firmly included in the idea of 
racial formation, as defined by Omi and Winant (ibid.).
The third concept, whiteness, is not always used in studies on 
race and racialisation. On the other hand, there is a specific field that 
can be called ‘whiteness studies’ and, in a more narrow meaning, 
‘critical whiteness studies’ (e.g., Dyer 1997; Hill 1997; Ware & Back 
2002; Frankenberg 2003; Byrne 2006). Since many scholars (in the 
Nordic countries) have sought to develop concepts and theories to 
make better sense of and centre non-white perspectives, the interest 
has been on processes of racialisation that create differences and 
hierarchies, as well as racism directed at those defined as the 
‘others’. Due to the fact that concepts like racialisation/racialised 
are increasingly becoming part of non-academic environments and 
discussions, notably as part of the self-identification processes of 
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those targeted by racism (cf. Habel 2012), they are sometimes used 
to cover only the ‘racialized others’. We do not question the use of 
the term racialized in the self-identification processes of racialised 
minorities nor scholars who make this starting point explicit. However, 
if not reflected on, the problem with limiting the term ‘racialised’ only 
to non-white people is that such conceptualisation makes whiteness 
(remain) invisible and the locus of hegemonic power. We think that 
whiteness should be included in theorisations of race and racialisation; 
that is, racialisation is a relational process, where whiteness often 
acts as the unspoken norm against which ‘others’ are measured 
and defined, creating hierarchies not only among groups of people 
but also ways of life, embodied characteristics, residential areas 
and so on. In order to examine the full scope of racialisation and 
racism (the structured system of inequalities), whiteness needs to be 
included in this broader frame, not left unaddressed and undisturbed 
to yield hegemonic power. There is certainly a risk of once again re-
centring whiteness when turning the analytical focus and theoretical 
grip on whiteness and people who embody its power and privilege. 
Therefore, there are even more reasons to explore whiteness as 
a part of broader processes of racialisation and structures that create 
racial inequalities.
Emerging perspectives and the contributions 
in the Special Issue
Current processes of racialisation and/or racial formation cannot 
be understood without theories that address colonialism and global 
racial orders. Moreover, the processes of racialisation have been (and 
continue to be) tied to intra-European histories and Nordic national 
histories. In the current Nordic societies, racialisation builds on and 
rearticulates historical legacies, but also develops new forms. In 
order to examine the varying and changing modes of racialisation and 
racism, researchers are drawing on several theoretical perspectives 
and adapting them to the analysis of the Nordic context.
For a couple of decades, postcolonial theories have been 
influential in the academia in most Nordic countries, especially 
in the humanities and the social sciences affected by the ‘cultural 
turn’. More lately, decolonial theories have become the interest 
of especially those acquainted with Latin American perspectives 
and Marxist studies (Suarez-Krabbe 2015; Groglopo 2012; KULT 
2009). While the postcolonial theories have been criticised for an 
over-emphasis on identities and representations, as well as focusing 
too much on the historical experiences of the South Asia and the 
Middle-East, decolonial theories have emphasised that colonialism 
already started with the Spanish and Portuguese conquests in the 
15th and 16th century and how colonialism was deeply intertwined 
with the emergence of global capitalism. The concept ‘coloniality of 
power’ (or the colonial matrix of power) places the emergence of race 
in the context of global, Eurocentric, capitalist power (Quijano 2000; 
Lugones 2007, 189-191). Race here is understood as the historical, 
social classification of the human population in biological terms. 
According to Quijano (ibid.), coloniality not only constitutes racial but 
also geopolitical identities. Moreover, the rise of global capitalism is 
indebted to Eurocentric knowledge production and ideas of modernity. 
In this Special Issue, postcolonial theories influence the articles by 
Kristin Loftsdottír and Mathias Danbolt, who examine the role of 
the Nordic countries in the postcolonial world order, with racialised 
processes in the labour market and the commodity market.
With the expansion of the research field of racialisation and 
migration in the Nordic region, the analyses and theories have 
also become more nuanced in relation to the ways different groups 
are being racialised. In this issue, Kristin Loftsdottír explores the 
differences and hierarchies among whiteness and the processes 
of intra-European racialisation detecting the variations of how 
Poles, Latvians and Lithuanians are perceived in public debates 
and everyday interaction in Iceland. Her article points towards 
the interconnections of cultural and bodily markers in the othering 
processes of groups originating in Europe. On the other hand, recent 
studies have sought to address the different forms that racialisation 
processes take when targeting individuals and groups originating 
in African, Middle-Eastern, Asian or Latin-American countries (e.g., 
Myong 2009; Alinia 2011; Sawyer & Habel 2014). Racialisation 
processes not only differentiate between different diasporic groups, 
but also place them in hierarchical order, where certain groups and 
individuals may be perceived as ‘not quite white’ yet close to, while 
others are portrayed as the ultimate other of white Western-ness and 
the white national identity. This points to the fluidity (and fragility) 
of racial categories, and how race intersects with categories like 
social class and religion, as well as underscores how racialisation is 
a continuous, context specific and social process.
The intersections of race with gender, sexuality and class have 
been at the centre of many scholars’ work that builds on postcolonial 
and black feminist perspectives, as well as queer of colour theories. 
Two landmarks of this research tradition in the Nordic context have 
been the anthology Maktens (o)lika förklädnader (de los Reyes, Molina 
& Mulinari 2002) and the theoretically oriented Intersektionalitet (de 
los Reyes & Mulinari 2005). In the footsteps of these publications, 
several others have emerged (e.g., Farahani 2007; Keskinen et 
al 2009; Carbin 2010). Intersectional feminism has criticised, for 
example, hegemonic (white) feminism, heterosexist feminism and 
the exclusionary constructions of gender equality, where gender 
equality has been adopted for nation-building purposes and serves 
to create racialised distinctions between the those perceived as 
majorities and minorities. In this Special Issue, the intersectional 
perspectives are developed further by Rikke Andreassen and Lene 
Myong, who explore how gender and race intersect within academia 
and how positions of authority depend on such intersections, creating 
expectations of authenticity and illustrating the difficulties of raising 
discussions about race and racialised power relations. Moreover, 
Mulinari and Neergaard apply perspectives of intersectionality in 
their (new) conceptualisations of racism, defined as exploitative and 
exclusionary racisms. They show how racial regimes are created 
through gendered and sexualised processes, using examples 
from Sweden. In her article, Catrin Lundström elaborates on the 
intersecting role of gender and class for theories on migration and 
whiteness. Her article argues that migrating subjects are located 
in contextual intersectional social processes that are structured by 
global power relations and exchanges of capital. As a result of these, 
the white western migrants embody favourable positions.
Scholarship on race and racial subjectifications has, over the 
previous decade, made use of cultural politics and architecture of 
emotions (Ahmed 2004, 2010; Clough & Halley 2007). In the Nordic 
context, the anthology Affectivity and Race: Studies from Nordic 
Contexts (2015) has examined how emotions and affect produce 
bodily, cultural and national boundaries in relation to race and 
migration. Here Nordic scholars apply affectivity as an analytical lens 
in order to understand and nuance Nordic racial constructions and 
formations, both historically and in contemporary times, and show 
how experiences such as disgust, fear, discomfort and pleasure 
play into racial hierarchies, relations and norms. Importantly, the 
anthology emphasises and illustrates how bodily materiality is of 
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equal importance to verbalisations and categorisations for processes 
of inclusions and exclusions. For this Special Issue, Kristin Loftdottír 
examines affective responses by migrants in order to discuss 
how whiteness and especially different shades of whiteness are 
constructed in Iceland. Similarly, Andreassen and Myong dwell with 
how experiences and feelings of discomfort can inform about racial 
and gendered subject formations. By analysing their own emotional 
responses to situations where racial hierarchies are at play, and 
using their own discomfort as an entrance to understanding racial 
formations, they show how privileges of whiteness and hierarchies 
of race and gender are at play in contemporary academia. Mathias 
Danbolt looks at what he calls ‘racialised affective consumption’ in 
his article for this Special Issue. Here he seeks to conceptualise 
the affective and historical dynamics of the debates on racism. He 
also employs an affective analytical lens, when he addresses the 
implications of (the rhetoric of) pleasure and enjoyment in racist 
mobilisations.
As evidenced in the research cited in this introduction, Nordic 
scholars have engaged with, and continue to do so in this Special 
Issue, developing the Anglo-American theories to suit the Nordic 
context. In this Special Issue, Danbolt elaborates on the British 
post-colonial tradition of ‘commodity racism’ as it takes shape in 
the Danish context, describing it as ‘retro racism’. In a similar vein, 
Andreassen and Myong build on black feminism in their analysis of 
different racial positionalities and processes of subjectification. As 
the field of study involving race, racialisation and migration develops 
in the Nordic context, researchers can increasingly engage, even 
critically, with studies and theorisation by other scholars working in 
the Nordic context – not only referencing to US/UK scholarship as the 
source of knowledge and authority.
The articles in this Special Issue are often tied to the analyses 
of specific national contexts and thus, also highlight the differences 
within the Nordic region. Often treated as a homogeneous entity – 
the Nordic region or ‘Norden’ – the countries bear many similarities, 
but have also taken different routes historically and politically and 
continue to do so today. There are interior power relations within the 
region, for example, following the histories of Norway, Finland and 
Iceland having struggled for their independence from the regionally 
dominant Sweden and Denmark. Moreover, the common narrative 
of Scandinavia that only includes Norway, Sweden and Denmark 
marginalises Finnish and Icelandic perspectives, not to talk about 
the perspectives of the Sami.1 In the racial categorisations developed 
under the paradigm of biological racism, dominating in the nineteenth 
and first half of the twentieth century, racial divisions also cut through 
the Nordic populations: the ‘superior’ Nordic race was constructed 
against its ‘inferior’ others – groups like the Sami, the Tatars, the 
Finns and the Roma (who all lived in ‘Norden’) were placed on the 
lower levels of the racial hierarchy (Andreassen 2015; Isaksson & 
Jokisalo 1999).
Even in this Special Issue, the continued colonisation and 
internal colonisation within the Nordic region and its nation-states 
remains unaddressed. Since the perspective of this issue is on 
migration and its connections to racialisation and postcolonialism, 
the Sami and other indigenous perspectives and theories have not 
been articulated in the contributions. Yet, we wish to point out that 
a nuanced understanding of colonialism and racism in the Nordic 
region also requires a discussion of the internal and continued 
colonisation in the Northern part of the Nordic region and the Arctic 
(e.g., Valkonen 2009; Gärdebo, Öhman & Maruyama 2014). This 
applies to the understandings of the histories and the current state of 
the Nordic region as well.
To summarise, this Special Issue of the Nordic Journal of 
Migration Research provides a collection of articles that engage 
theoretically with race, racialisation and whiteness from Nordic 
perspectives. While being informed by international theories of race, 
whiteness and postcolonialism, the articles in this Special Issue 
contribute to new theoretical developments in these fields. As such, 
the Special Issue is an important contribution to the Nordic region, 
finding and expressing its own voice(s) within this field. While it is 
precisely the Nordic context which allows the contributors to throw 
new light and perspectives on this field, we believe that these new 
theoretical contributions will be of interest and nuance the fields of 
studies on racialisation and migration not only in the Nordic countries 
but also outside the Nordic region.
Suvi Keskinen (PhD, Associate Professor, University of Turku, 
Finland) currently works as Academy Research Fellow on her project 
on postethnic minority activism in the neoliberal era. Her research 
interests include postcolonial feminism, critical race and whiteness 
studies, political activism, welfare state and violence. Among her 
publications are the co-edited book Complying with Colonialism. 
Gender, Race and Ethnicity in the Nordic Region (Ashgate, 2009), 
two edited Special Issues and several articles in scientific journals, 
such as Journal of Intercultural Studies, Social Politics, Ethnicities, 
Social Identities and Critical Social Policy.
Rikke Andreassen (PhD, University of Toronto, Canada; Professor 
(mso), Roskilde University, Denmark) is a researcher and teacher 
working within the fields of media, gender, sexuality and race. She 
is the coordinator and co-founder for the research network ‘Re-
developing international theories of media and migration in a Nordic 
context’ (TheoryNord). She has published three volumes, latest 
Human Exhibitions. Race, Gender and Sexuality in Ethnic Displays 
(Ashgate, 2015), and a large number of articles in various journals 
incl. Social Identities, European Journal of Women’s Studies, 
Race and Class and NORA. Nordic Journal of feminist and gender 
research.
Notes
1. The perspectives and voices from Greenland and the Faroe 
Islands are also marginalised; furthermore, the nations continue 
to be positioned and represented partly as Danish colonies.
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